Gold in Sudan is no longer a mere symbol of wealth—it has become fuel for brutal conflicts and a tool of systemic plunder. It attracts the ambitions of states, militias, and global networks amid an almost total absence of transparency and accountability. The country hosts more than 40,000 gold mining sites across 13 states, stretching from the northern desert to the Red Sea Hills and western Darfur, making Sudan one of Africa’s richest nations in precious minerals.
A long history of hidden and open plunder
From precolonial times to the present, Sudanese gold has been systematically looted in both secrecy and daylight. During the British colonial era, the exploitation took on an institutional form through specialized networks and units such as the “Camel Corps.” After independence, subsequent national governments failed to protect this resource, leaving citizens in the dark about the true scale of gold production or its revenues. Even with the arrival of international companies in the 1970s, information remained opaque. This silence persisted until the 1990s, when Omar al-Bashir’s regime sought to compensate for lost oil revenues—especially after South Sudan’s secession in 2011—by turning aggressively to gold exports.
Under mounting international sanctions, the once-shadowy trade in gold began to unravel, exposing how the mineral had quietly become Sudan’s lifeline, contributing a major share of foreign exchange after the loss of nearly three-quarters of its oil income.
Cross-border smuggling and organized crime
Historically, gold smuggling routes connected Sudan to Egypt and Libya through ancient desert caravans traversing Kordofan, Darfur, and eastern Sudan. Successive Sudanese governments failed to curb the trade, save for brief British attempts a century ago. Tens of thousands have participated in this highly profitable traffic, which evolved into a transnational criminal economy involving powerful tribal elites and cross-border mining interests.
In Egypt, regions such as Nubia and the Eastern Desert host extensive gold mining operations led by domestic and multinational companies, including Centamin and the state-owned Shalateen. Some of these firms are tied to offshore tax havens. Since Sudan’s war reignited in 2023, mining areas near the Egyptian border have expanded, benefiting from logistical support and cross-border leniency as Cairo seeks to bolster its declining currency reserves.
The UAE: A global hub for laundering Sudanese gold
Since the 1970s, the United Arab Emirates has served as a key destination for smuggled Sudanese gold. Shipments routed through land, air, and sea ports often end up in Dubai before being refined or exported to Switzerland and Europe. For decades, this “hidden trade” remained an open secret, protected by political and tribal patronage. Its true scale only emerged when links between Emirati buyers and Sudanese desert clans controlling mining zones became public.
After the loss of oil revenues, new hotspots such as Jebel Amer surfaced, fueling violent clashes between tribal militias and the state. The Janjaweed forces under Musa Hilal and later the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) led by Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (Hemetti) seized control of goldfields through covert deals with companies such as Al Junaid, which maintained discreet ties to the UAE.
These companies sold gold both through official and black-market channels—sometimes even to the Central Bank—giving the RSF independent financial power and autonomy from Khartoum’s treasury. Their rise intertwined with Russian-linked entities like Meroe Gold and the Wagner Group, extending foreign influence deeper into Darfur.
Gold as fuel for war and foreign interests
United Nations reports have highlighted how the RSF finances itself through illicit gold exports channeled via the UAE, part of which supports the wider conflict against Sudan’s military. The trade has underpinned the RSF’s alliance with Russia’s Wagner Group, turning Sudanese gold into a financial artery for Moscow’s war in Ukraine while enriching Hemetti through UAE-registered companies.
Gold revenues have also facilitated arms flows to the RSF through Libya under General Khalifa Haftar, within a shadowy regional network prolonging Sudan’s war. These dynamics deepened the humanitarian toll: tens of thousands of civilians have been killed in Khartoum and Darfur through conflicts sustained by the global gold economy.
The UAE as Africa’s gold laundromat
According to the Swiss NGO “SWISSAID,” the UAE imported some 39 tons of Sudanese gold in 2022 worth over $2 billion, making it the largest buyer of African gold—much of it undocumented. International pressure has mounted on the Emirates to curb money laundering in its bullion trade, but persistent loopholes allow smuggled gold to be legalized upon entry, reinforcing its role as the world’s premier destination for illicit gold flows from Africa’s Sahel and Sahara regions.
Sudan’s production and the fog of numbers
Sudan ranks third in Africa in annual gold output, producing about 93 metric tons in 2018 and holding confirmed reserves estimated at 1,550 tons. The government has issued more than 85 licenses to foreign and domestic companies, yet accurate figures remain elusive. Official oversight is weak, and much of the mineral wealth still escapes through vast informal networks.
Estimates suggest probable reserves exceed 14 million tons, with an average concentration of 2.4 grams per ton. But absent state authority and transparent regulation, these riches continue to finance regional wars and elite corruption, turning natural wealth into a source of endless instability.
The human toll and the path to reform
Sudan’s gold map reveals not only economic exploitation but also humanitarian catastrophe. The war that erupted in 2023 distilled decades of mismanagement and greed. Mines that could have secured prosperity instead became graveyards for the poor. Regions rich in minerals have spiraled into famine, displacement, and ruin. Millions have fled mining areas or conflict zones, including families torn apart by violence and hunger. Health and education systems have collapsed, while women and children bear the heaviest burdens. Atrocities in Darfur and Khartoum have left deep societal scars that no peace agreement can heal without justice and accountability.
From a governance standpoint, rescuing Sudan requires a complete reimagining of its resource management framework. The state must dismantle smuggling cartels and armed monopolies, restore civilian oversight of the mining sector, and subject all mineral operations—local or foreign—to transparent reporting standards.
Supported by the African Union and the United Nations, any transitional government should deploy digital tracking systems to monitor production and enforce public disclosure of financial data. Legal reform is also essential: a new natural resources law must prohibit military or security entities from owning or operating any mining assets.
Equally crucial is promoting regulated, environmentally conscious mining that safeguards local communities and directs a share of revenues toward rural development. Sustainable mineral governance is the cornerstone of Sudan’s political stability and economic revival. Lasting peace will remain elusive as long as gold crosses borders unchecked and fuels proxy wars.
A vision of hope amid chaos
Yet even in dark times, hope persists. From the ruins of war, Sudan can rise anew if it embraces transparency and reform. When its gold mines transform from engines of conflict into pillars of national recovery, when illicit markets give way to regulated production centers, the nation’s fortunes will begin to change.
Justice in wealth distribution and the rule of law are Sudan’s true keys to liberation. Only by reclaiming its treasures for the people can the country escape the cycle of war and poverty—and perhaps, one day, become a model for Africa in turning natural blessings from a curse into a force for peace and renewal.
